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بسم الله نبداء
صفحه 37

The glottal stop and the flap
There are two common terms used to describe ways of pronouncing consonants
which are not included in the chart presented earlier.
The glottal stop, represented by the symbol [ʔ], occurs when the space
between the vocal cords (the glottis) is closed completely (very briefly), then
released. Try saying the expression Oh oh. Between the first Oh and the second
oh, we typically produce a glottal stop. Some people do it in the middle
of Uh-uh (meaning ‘no’), and others put one in place of t when they pronounce
Batman quickly. You can also produce a glottal stop if you try to say
the words butter or bottle without pronouncing the -tt- part in the middle. This
sound is considered to be characteristic of Cockney (London) speech. (Try saying
the name Harry Potter as if it didn’t have the H or the tt.) You will also
hear glottal stops in the pronunciation of some Scottish speakers and also New
Yorkers.
If, however, you are an American English speaker who pronounces the word
butter in a way that is close to ‘budder’, then you are making a flap. It is
represented by [D] or sometimes [ɾ]. This sound is produced by the tongue
tip tapping the alveolar ridge briefly. Many American English speakers have a
tendency to ‘flap’ the [t] and [d] consonants between vowels so that, in casual
speech, the pairs latter and ladder, writer and rider, l and medal do not
have distinct middle consonants. They all have flaps. The student who was told
about the importance of Plato in class and wrote it in his notes as play-dough
was clearly a victim of a misinterpreted flap.
This rather lengthy list of the phonetic features of English consonant sounds
is not presented as a challenge to your ability to memorize a lot of terminology
and symbols. It is presented as an illustration of how a thorough
deion of the physical aspects of speech production will allow us to
characterize the sounds of spoken English, independently of the vagaries of
spelling found in written English. There are, however some sounds that we
have not yet investigated. These are the types of sounds known as vowels and
diphthongs.


Vowels
While the consonant sounds are mostly articulated via closure or obstruction in
the vocal tract, vowel sounds are produced with a relatively free flowof air. They
are all typically voiced. To describe vowel sounds, we consider the way in which
the tongue influences the ‘shape’ through which the airflow must pass. To talk
about a place of articulation, we think of the space inside the mouth as having a
front versus a back and a high versus a low area. Thus, in the pronunciation of
heat and hit, we talk about ‘high, front’ vowels because the sound is made with
the front part of the tongue in a raised position.
In contrast, the vowel sound in hat is produced with the tongue in a lower
position and the sound in hot can be described as a ‘low, back’ vowel. The
next time you’re facing the bathroom mirror, try saying the words heat, hit, hat,
hot. For the first two, your mouth will stay fairly closed, but for the last two,
your tongue will move lower and cause your mouth to open wider. (You may
also notice, the next time you’re getting some, that the sounds of relaxation and
pleasure typically contain lower vowels.)
The terminology for describing vowel sounds in English (e.g. ‘high front’)
is usually based on their position in a chart, like the one shown here, which
provides a means of classifying the most common vowel sounds. Following the
chart is a list of the sounds with some examples of familiar words that, for a
lot of American English speakers, most of the time, contain those sounds. The
list of examples goes from a high front vowel through to a low back vowel and
ends with three diphthongs.

* هذه القاعدة ركز عليها الأستاذ كثيراُ
وراح اختصر كل الكلام اللي مكتوب فوق بأن في أسفل صفحه 38 يوجد كلمات ثم حرف بين قوسين فمضلا نأخذ الاول
eat, key, see = i الحرف i معناته كأني انطق الكلمه بهذا الحرف فمثلا see تكتب هكذا /sin/
وهكذا في بقية الكلمات ومهم جداُ ان نعرف كيف تكتب بأستخدام هذه الطريقه وتوجد كل كلمه في القاموس طريقه كتابة الاصوات الحركيه


Diphthongs
The last three symbols in the list above contain two sounds. These ‘combined’
vowel sounds are called diphthongs.
الاصوات المركبه من صوتين حركيين , وهي تبداء بصوت حركي وتنتهي بصوت منزلق اخر
Note that in each case they begin with a
vowel sound and end with the glides [j] or [w]. In pronouncing the majority of
single vowel sounds, our vocal organs assume one position (very briefly), but
in pronouncing diphthongs, we move from one vocalic position to another as
we produce the sound.
This process of diphthongization can actually happen with a wide range of
vowel sounds and is more common in some varieties of English (e.g. Southern
British) than in others. Most American English speakers pronounce the word
say as [sej], with a diphthong rather than a single vowel. You will also hear
common pronouns such as we [wij] and they [ðej] diphthongized. If you try
to pronounce the consonants and diphthongs in the following tranion,
you should recognize a traditional speech-training exercise: [haw naw brawn
kaw].


Subtle individual variation
لم يقرائها ابد ليست مهمه
Vowel sounds are notorious for varying between one variety of English and the
next, often being a key element in what we recognize as different accents. So,
you may find that some of the words offered in the earlier lists as examples are
not spoken in your neighborhood with the vowel sounds exactly as listed. Also,
some of the sound distinctions shown here may not even be used regularly in
your own speech. It may be, for example, that you make no distinction between
the vowels in the words caught and cot and use [a] in both. In some deions,
the vowel sound in cot is represented as [ɑ].
Or, you may not make a significant distinction between the central vowels [ə]
and []. If not, then just use the symbol [ə], called ‘schwa’. In fact, in casual
speech, we all use schwa more than any other single sound. It is the unstressed
vowel (underlined) in the everyday use of words such as afford, collapse, oven,
photograph, wanted, and in those very common words a and the.
There are many other variations in the actual physical articulation of the
sounds we have considered here. The more we focus on the subtle differences
of the actual articulation of each sound, the more likely we are to find ourselves
describing the pronunciation of small groups or even individual speakers. Such
subtle differences enable us to identify individual voices and recognize people
we know as soon as they speak. But those differences don’t help us understand
how we are able to work out what total strangers with unfamiliar voices
are saying. We are clearly able to disregard all the subtle individual variation
in the phonetic detail of voices and recognize each underlying sound type as
part of a word with a particular meaning. To make sense of how we do that,


الدرس الخامس وهو من أهم الدروس وسوف اذكر كل ما هو مهم في نهاية التقرير
صفحة 43
The sound patterns of language
In the preceding chapter, we investigated the physical production of speech
sounds in terms of the articulatory mechanisms of the human vocal tract. That
investigationwas possible because of some rather amazing facts about the nature
of language. When we considered the human vocal tract, we didn’t have to
specify whether we were talking about a fairly large person, over six feet tall,
weighing over 200 pounds, or about a rather small person, about five feet tall,
weighing less than 100 pounds. Yet those two physically different individuals
would inevitably have physically different vocal tracts, in terms of size and
shape. In a sense, every individual has a physically different vocal tract. Consequently,
in purely physical terms, every individual will pronounce sounds
differently. There are, then, potentially millions of physically different ways of
saying the simple word me.
In addition, each individual will not pronounce the word me in a physically
identical manner on every occasion. Obvious differences occur when that individual
is shouting, is suffering from a bad cold or is asking for a sixth martini.
Given this vast range of potential differences in the actual physical production of
a speech sound, how do we manage consistently to recognize all those versions
of me as the form [mi], and not [ni] or [si] or [ma] or [mo] or something else
entirely? The
كله كلام حشو


Phonology
Phonology is essentially the deion of the systems and patterns of speech
sounds in a language. It is, in effect, based on a theory of what every speaker
of a language unconsciously knows about the sound patterns of that language.
Because of this theoretical status, phonology is concerned with the abstract
مهم جداُ تعريف الــ Phonology
فقط علينا بالتعريف اما الذي يوجد في صفحه 44 على الصفحه مو مهم


Phonemes
Each one of these meaning-distinguishing sounds in a language is described as a
phoneme. When we considered the basis of alphabetic writing in chapter 3, we
were actually working with the concept of the phoneme as the single sound type
which came to be represented by a single written symbol. It is in this sense that
the phoneme /t/ is described as a sound type, of which all the different spoken
versions of [t] are tokens. Note that slash marks are conventionally used to
indicate a phoneme, /t/, an abstract segment, as opposed to the square brackets,
as in [t], used for each phonetic or physically produced segment.
An essential property of a phoneme is that it functions contrastively.We know
there are two phonemes /f/ and /v/ in English because they are the only basis
of the contrast in meaning between the words fat and vat, or fine and vine. This
contrastive property is the basic operational test for determining the phonemes
that exist in a language. If we substitute one sound for another in a word and
there is a change of meaning, then the two sounds represent different phonemes.
The basic phonemes of English are listed in the consonant and vowel charts in
chapter 4.
The technical terms used in creating those charts can be considered ‘features’
that distinguish each phoneme from the next. If the feature is present, we mark
it with a plus sign (+) and if it’s not present, we use a minus sign (−). Thus /p/
التعريف مهم جدا وركز عليها اكثر من مره
اما في اعلى صفحه 45 غير مهمه


Phones and allophones
While the phoneme is the abstract unit or sound type (‘in the mind’), there are
many different versions of that sound type regularly produced in actual speech
(‘in the mouth’).We can describe those different versions as phones. Phones are
phonetic units and appear in square brackets. When we have a group of several
phones, all of which are versions of one phoneme, we add the prefix ‘allo-’
(=one of a closely related set) and refer to them as allophones of that phoneme.
For example, the [t] sound in the word tar is normally pronounced with a
stronger puff of air than is present in the [t] sound in the word star. If you
put the back of your hand in front of your mouth as you say tar, then star,
you should be able to feel some physical evidence of aspiration (the puff of
air) accompanying the [t] sound at the beginning of tar (but not in star). This
aspirated version is represented more precisely as [th]. That’s one phone. In the
last chapter, we noted that the [t] sound between vowels in a word like writer
often becomes a flap, which we can represent as [D]. That’s another phone. In
the pronunciation of a word like eighth (/etθ/), the influence of the final dental
[θ] sound causes a dental articulation of the [t] sound. This can be represented
more precisely as [t]. That’s yet another phone. There are even more variations
of this sound which, like [th], [D], and [t], can be represented in a more precise
way in a detailed, or narrow phonetic tranion. Because these variations are
all part of one set of phones, they are typically referred to as allophones of the
phoneme /t/.
The crucial distinction between phonemes and allophones is that substituting
one phoneme for another will result in a word with a different meaning (as
well as a different pronunciation), but substituting allophones only results in a
different (and perhaps unusual) pronunciation of the same word.

في صفحه 46Let’s look at another quick example, using a vowel sound. In English, there is
a subtle difference in the pronunciation of /i/ in the words seed and seen. In the
second word, the effect of the nasal consonant [n] makes the [i] sound nasalized.
We can represent this nasalization with a small mark (˜), called ‘tilde’, over the
symbol [˜i] in a narrow phonetic tranion. So, there are at least two phones,
[i] and [˜i], used to realize the single phoneme. They are both allophones of /i/
in English.
It is possible, of course, for two languages to have the same pair of phonetic
segments, but to treat them differently. In English, the effect of nasalization
on a vowel is treated as allophonic variation because the nasalized
version is not meaningfully contrastive. Whether we say [sin] or [s˜in], people
will only recognize one word seen. In French, however, the pronunciation
[mε] is used for one word mets (‘dish’) and the pronunciation [m˜ ε] is used
for another word main (‘hand’). Also, [so] for the word seau (‘pail’) contrasts
with [s˜o] for the word son (‘sound’). Clearly, in these cases, the distinction is
phonemic.
فقط نعرف كيف تكتب رموزها


Minimal pairs and sets
Phonemic distinctions in a language can be tested via pairs and sets of words.
When two words such as pat and bat are identical in form except for a contrast
in one phoneme, occurring in the same position, the two words are described
as a minimal pair. More accurately, they would be classified as a minimal pair
in the phonology of English. (Arabic, for example, does not have this contrast
between /p/ and /b/.) Other examples of English minimal pairs are fan–van,
bet–bat, site–side. Such pairs have traditionally been used in the teaching and
testing of English as a second or foreign language to help students develop
the ability to understand the contrast in meaning based on the minimal sound
contrast.
When a group of words can be differentiated, each one from the others, by
changing one phoneme (always in the same position in the word), then we have
a minimal set. For example, one minimal set based on the vowel phonemes of
English could include feat, fit, fat, fate, fought, foot, and another minimal set
based on consonant phonemes could have big, pig, rig, fig, dig, wig.

بختصار مجموعات وثنائيات المفردات هي كلمتين مثل bat & pat متطابقتين في الشكل باستثناء الاختلاف في فوينم واحد يعني في حرف واحد فقط

المجموعات :
هي مجموعة كلمات تختلف بتغير فوينم واحد في نفس الوضع مثل : feat & fit & fat & fate & foot وغيرها


Phonotactics
This type of exercise involving minimal sets also allows us to see that there are
definite patterns in the types of sound combinations permitted in a language. In
English, the minimal set we have just listed does not include forms such as lig
or vig. According to the dictionary, these are not English words, but they could
be viewed as possible English words. That is, our phonological knowledge of

المطلوب التعريف ويضا له صيغة تعريف أخرى وهي
Phonotactics = constraints on the permissible combination of sounds in a language


Syllables and clusters
A syllable must contain a vowel (or vowel-like) sound. The most common type
of syllable in language also has a consonant (C) before the vowel (V) and is
typically represented as CV. Technically, the basic elements of the syllable are
the onset (one or more consonants) and the rhyme. The rhyme (sometimes
written as ‘rime’) consists of a vowel, which is treated as the nucleus, plus any
following consonant(s), described as the coda.
Syllables like me, to or no have an onset and a nucleus, but no coda. They are
known as ‘open’ syllables. When a coda is present, as in the syllables up, cup,
at or hat, they are called ‘closed’ syllables. The basic structure of the kind of
syllable found in English words like green (CCVC), eggs (VCC), and (VCC),
ham (CVC), I (V), do (CV), not (CVC), like (CVC), them (CVC), Sam (CVC),
I (V), am (VC) is shown in the accompanying diagram.

as onset in the word stop, and as coda in the word post. There are many CC
onset combinations permitted in English phonotactics, as in black, bread, trick,
twin, flat and throw. Note that liquids (/l/, /r/) and a glide (/w/) are being used
in second position.
English can actually have larger onset clusters, as in thewords stress and splat,
consisting of three initial consonants (CCC). The phonotactics of these larger
onset consonant clusters is not too difficult to describe. The first consonant must
always be /s/, followed by one of the voiceless stops (/p/, /t/, /k/) and then one of
these liquids or glides (/l/, /r/, /w/). You can check if this deion is adequate
for the combinations in splash, spring, strong, scream and square. Does the
deion also cover the second syllable in the pronunciation of exclaim? How
about /εk-sklejm/? Remember that it is the onset of the syllable that is being
described, not the beginning of the word.
It is quite unusual for languages to have consonant clusters of this type. Indeed,
the syllable structure of many languages (e.g. Japanese) is predominantly CV. It
is also noticeable in English that large consonant clusters are frequently reduced
in casual conversational speech, particularly if they occur in the middle of a
word. This is just one example of a process that is usually discussed in terms of
co-articulation effects.

اللي في الازرق يقول اذا اتت ccc ثلاثه مرات لابد من الكلمه ان تبداء بحرف s

ملاحظه الــ c قبل الــ v تكون onset
الــ c بعد الـــ v تكون coda


Co-articulation effects
لم يقرائها حتى ليست مهمه
In much of the preceding discussion, we have been describing speech sounds in
syllables and words as if they are always pronounced carefully and deliberately,
almost in slow motion. Speech isn’t normally like that. Mostly our talk is fast
and spontaneous, and it requires our articulators to move from one sound to the
next without stopping. The process of making one sound almost at the same
time as the next sound is called co-articulation. There are two well-known
co-articulation effects, described as assimilation and elision.


Assimilation
ايضاً لم يقرئها وليست مهمه When two sound segments occur in sequence and some aspect of one segment is
taken or ‘copied’ by the other, the process is known as assimilation. If we think
of the physical production of speech,we realize that this regular process happens
simply because it’s quicker, easier and more efficient for our articulators as they
do their job. In isolation, we would typically pronounce [] and [æ] without any
nasal quality at all. However, when we say words like pin and pan in everyday
speech, the anticipation of forming the final nasal consonant will make it easier
to go into the nasalized articulation in advance and consequently the vowel
sounds in these words will be, in more precise tranion, [˜] and [æ˜]. This
is a very regular feature of English speakers’ pronunciation. It is so regular, in


fact, that a phonological rule can be stated in the following way: “Any vowel
becomes nasal whenever it immediately precedes a nasal.”
This type of assimilation process occurs in a variety of different contexts. By
itself, the word can may be pronounced as [kæn], but, when we say I can go, the
influence of the following velar [g] will almost certainly make the preceding
nasal sound come out as [ŋ] (the velar nasal) rather than [n] (the alveolar nasal).
The most commonly observed conversational version of the phrase is [ajkəŋgo].
Notice that the vowel in can has also changed to schwa [ə] from the isolatedword
version [æ]. In many words spoken carefully, the vowel receives stress,
but in the course of ordinary everyday talk, that vowel may no longer receive
any stress and naturally reduce to schwa. We may, for example, pronounce and
as [ænd] by itself, but in the normal use of the phrase you and me, we usually
say [ən], as in [yuənmi].

Elision
ايضا لم يقرئها In the last example, illustrating the normal pronunciation of you and me, the
[d] sound of the word and was not included in the tranion. That’s because
it isn’t usually pronounced in this phrase. In the environment of a preceding
nasal [n] and a following nasal [m], we simply don’t devote speech energy to
including the stop sound [d]. This isn’t laziness, it’s efficiency. There is also
typically no [d] sound included in the everyday pronunciation of a word like
friendship [frεnʃp]. This process of not pronouncing a sound segment that
might be present in the deliberately careful pronunciation of a word in isolation
is described as elision. In consonant clusters, especially in coda position, /t/ is
a common casualty in this process, as in the typical pronunciation [æspεks] for
aspects, or in [himəsbi] for the phrase he must be.We can, of course, slowly and
deliberately pronounce each part of the phrase we asked him, but the process
of elision in casual conversation is likely to produce [wiæstəm]. Vowels also
disappear, as in [εvri] for every, [ntrst] for interest, [kæbnət] for cabinet, and
[spowz] for suppose.

Normal speech
ايضا ليست مهمهThese two processes of assimilation and elision occur in everyone’s normal
speech and should not be regarded as some type of sloppiness or laziness in
speaking. In fact, consistently avoiding the regular patterns of assimilation and
elision used in a language would result in extremely artificial-sounding talk.
The point of investigating these phonological processes is not to arrive at a set
of rules about how a language should be pronounced, but to try to come to an
understanding of the regularities and patterns which underlie the actual use of
sounds in language.

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